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PROCEEDINGS  OF  A  MEETING 


IV  1AVOF  OF 


MUNICIPAL  REFORM, 


TAMMANY  HALL, 


FRIDAY  EVENING.  MARCH  S2d,  1644. 


NEW  YORK : 

PRINTED  BY  W.  B .  &  T.  SMITH, 
89  NASSAU  and  128  FULTON  STREETS. 

1844. 


PROCEEDINGS  &c. 


President, 
Ho*.  ROBERT  II.  MORRIS. 

Vice-Presidents, 

JOHN  M.  BRADHURST,      JOHN  M.  BLOODGOOD, 
DANIEL  C.  PENT/ .  STEPHEN  PUTNA  M 

JOHN  S.  CONGER,  CORNL'S.  B.  ARCHER, 

JNO.  J.  V.  WESTER VELT,   JOSEPH  BISHOP, 
ABRAHAM  B.  PURDY,        ECCLES  GILEENDER, 
PAUL  GROFT.  WILLIAM  MARTIN, 

ADAM  E.  FLANNAGAN,      THOMAS  J.  AGNEW. 
WILLIAM  DENxMAN,  ANDREW  il.  MICKLE, 

ELISHA"  MORRELL. 
Secretaries. 

E.  L.  B.  BROOKS,  EDGAR  J.  LEETE. 

ISAAC  V.  FOWLER,  THEOPHILUS  CIVIL. 

HENRY  TAYLOR. 

His  Honor  Robert  H.  Morris,  then  arose  amidst  the 
cheering  of  the  multitude,  and  stated  what  he  was  informed 
was  the  object  of  the  meeting.  It  was  to  endeavor  to  ob- 
tain the  sense  of  our  fellow  citizens  on  the  subject  of  Muni- 
cipal Reform.  This  meeting  he  continued,  is  called  to-night 
for  the  purpose,  and  for  the  only  purpose  of  ascertaining 
whether  the  people  will  not  now  come  forward  and  ask  the 
Legislature  to  pass  a  la  v  authorizing  and  directing  our 
municipal  government  to  be  so  altered  as  not  only  to  author- 
ize but  to  compel  (cheering)  those  entrusted  with  the  man- 
agement of  the  City  affairs,  so  to  manage  them  that  the 
greatest  and  best  of  objects  shall  be  obtained — the  protec- 
tion of  our  property  and  persons  with  the  least  possible  ex 
pense  to  those  who  are  compelled  to  pay  for  it.  [Applause.] 
The  system  authorized  by  our  present  city  charter  is  wrong, 
and  the  most  honest  efforts  to  reform  the  city  government 
are  trammelled  by  the  charter  itself.  No  project  has  yet 
been  presented  to  the  Legislature  for  the  necessary  ac1  : 
and  the  present  meeting  has  been  postponed  with  the  hope 
that  the  wisdom  of  our  City  Fathers  would  pitch  upon  some 
suitable  plan,  but  as  there  is  a  diversity  of  opinion  among 
them,  and  as  the  present  Legislative  term  is  drawing  near 
to  a  close,  it  has  been  deemed  expedient  to  call  upon  the 
people  for  their  aid.    [Great  applause.] 

Before  Mr.  Moore  [who  had  been  loudly  called  for] 
shal,  proceed  to  address  us,  1  would  suggest  that  a  com- 
mittee be  appointed  to  prepare  a  preamble  and  resolutions  for 
the  action  of  this  meeting. 

The  following  gentlemen  were  accordingly  appointed  by 


the  chair:  Daniel  S.  Gleason,  Saul  Alley,  B.  F.  Cornell, 
E.  L.  B.  Brooks,  Daniel  C.  Pent/.  The  Hon.  Ely  Moore 
now  came  forward  and  was  received  with  six  hearty  cheers. 
He  proceeded  : 

The  subject  on  which  we  have  met  to  deliberate  at  this 
time,  my  fellow  citizens,  is  one  of  profound  and  peculiar  im- 
portance— involving  as  it  does,  the  interests  and  welfare  of 
every  individual  in  this  community,  whatever  may  be  his 
politics  or  his  condition  in  life.  It  cannot  fail  therefore,  to 
claim  the  earnest  attention,  and  challenge  the  best  reflections 
of  all  who  feel  an  interest  in  good  government,  or  in  the 
character,  security  and  general  prosperity  of  our  city. 

The  subject  in  question,  as  you  arc  already  advised,  re- 
lates to  a  reform  of  our  City  Government.  For  a  long 
series  of  years  the  people  of  this  city  have  complained — 
with  singular  unanimity,  and  I  will  add,  with  strong  pro- 
priety— of  the  great  and  manifold  evils  incident  to  our 
municipal  government — ofthe  laxity  and  inefficiency  of  our 
system  of  Police — of  excessive  taxation,  and  ofthe  corrup- 
tions and  abuses  practised  by  successive  Common  Councils, 
whether  composed  of  Whigs  or  Democrats — both  parties 
having  sinned  in  this  respect.  And  so  long  as  the  present 
defective,  ill-contrived  and  anti-Democratic  system  obtains, 
future  Common  Councils  will  follow  in  the  footsteps  of  their 
transgressing  predecessors.  I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  all 
would  thus  act.  There  would  be,  as  there  have  been,  many 
honorable  exception?,  doubtless.  But  those  exceptions 
would  result  from  the  virtues  of  individuals,  not  from  the 
character  and  tendencies  of  the  government  itself.  The 
principal  evil  is  organic — inherent  in,  and  inseparable  from 
the  very  nature^  of  tho  government.  Hence  no  salutary 
change  can  reasonably  be  expected  from  a  mere  change  of 
men.  No,  the  root  of  the  evil  extends  much  deeper,  and 
attaches  to  the  system,  rather  than  to  the  individuals  who 
are  called  to  act  under  its  provisions. 

Hitherto,  the  intrinsic  cause  of  the  evils  and  abuses  of 
which  our  citizens  have  so  long  and  justly  complained,  does 
not  appear  to  have  been  well  understood  by  them  ;  other- 
wise it  would,  undoubtedly,  have  been  eradicated,  long  ere 
this,  and  the  people  freed  from  the  consequences  which  legiti- 
mate^ and  necessarily  flow  therefrom. 

While  it  is  universally  admitted  that  the  City  of  New 
York — by  reason  of  its  geographical  position,  its  superior 
local  advantages,  its  wealth  and  population — is  the  first 
city  of  the  New  World,  yet  it  cannot  be  denied,  but  that  its 
government  is  as  notoriously  imbecile  and  corrupt,  as  the 
city  itself  is  majestic  and  powerful.  Nor,  indeed,  could 
our  municipal  system  be  expected  to  prove  otherwise  in 


practice,  founded  as  it  is.  upon  principles  that  are  in  dissen- 
sion with  most  of  those  recognized  by  the  fathers  of  the 
Federal  Constitution,  and  in  fact  of  all  Republican  States- 
men. 

Every  one  conversant  with  the  spirit  and  genius  of  our 
free  institutions,  and  with  the  character  and  political  bias 
of  the  Ajnerican  people,  must  be  convinced  that,  in  this 
country,  and  especially  in  this  era,  no  government — whether 
State  or  Municipal — can  be  administered  successfully,  and 
satisfactorily  to  the  people,  that  does  not  harmonize,  in  its 
main  features,  with  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 
Emanating  as  that  government  did,  from  the  philosophic,  the 
high  and  holy  principle  which  recognizes  the  natural  and 
inalienable  rights  of  mankind — and  framed  for  the  uninter- 
rupted preservation  of  those  rights — it  cannot  fail  to  com- 
mand the  respect,  and  win  the  admiration  of  all  who  love 
America  and  her  free  instit  utions. 

A  government  to  be  just  and  benificent,  must  be  equal  in 
its  operations.  Not  only  so,  but  it  must  likewise  be  a  legiti- 
mate and  seasonable  expression  of  the  popular  will — of  so- 
ciety— otherwise  it  would  be  but  a  mockery  of  a  govern- 
ment. Whenever,  therefore,  you  find  the  great  body  of  an 
intelligent  and  liberty-loving  people,  denouncing  the  govern- 
ment under  which  they  live,  be  assured  that  the  principles, 
upon  which  such  government  is  based,  are  at  variance  with 
the  popular  will— incompatible  with  the  general  welfare,  and 
alien  to  political  dogmas,  such  as  were  avowed  by  our  revo- 
lutionary and  republican  sires;  and  in  defence  of  which, 
they  "pledged  their  lives,  their  fortunes,  and  their  sacred 
honors.'' 

Admitting  the  validity  of  this  test,  and  the  soundness  of 
the  views  just  presented — and  what  Democrat  will  hesitate 
to  do  so — how  are  we  to  account  for  the  general,  I  had  al- 
most said  universal,  disapprobation  with  which  the  people 
of  this  city  regard  our  municipal  government?  How  else 
can  we  account  for  it,  except  on  the  ground  of  its  being 
uncongenial  with  the  spirit  and  genius  of  our  republican  in- 
stitutions, and  therefore,  inconsistent  with  the  wishes  and 
interests  of  our  citizens. 

Will  it  be  said  that  the  cause  of  dissatisfaction  on  the 
part  of  the  people,  springs  from  the  mal-administration  of 
the  city  government,  rather  than  from  any  defect  in  the  sys- 
tem? This  would  imply  a  delinquency — a  want  of  faith- 
fulness and  uprightness  on  the  part  of  those  who  administer, 
and  have  administered  our  municipal  affairs,  altogether  too 
broad  and  sweeping.  Not  only  so,  but  it  likewise  recogni- 
zes a  most  pernicious  and  dangerous  political  heresy.    It  as- 


sumes  that  the  administrators  ot'  a  government  rather  than 
the  nature  and  structure  of  the  govern,  ?nt  itself,  are  the 
solo  arbiters  of  political  good  and  evil— the  true  and  only 
authors  of  the  misery  or  happiness — the  prosperity  or  ad- 
versity of  the  governed.  This  assumption  annihilates  all 
practical  distinctions  between  good  and  bad  government, 
between  a  government  based  on  the  principles  of  equal  jus- 
tice and  equal  rights,  and  a  government  based  on  injustice 
and  an  inequality  of  rights.  If  this  hypothesis  be  well 
founded,  one  form  of  government  would  be  just  as  good  as 
another  ;  and,  after  all  our  glorification  about  the  superiority 
of  our  political  system,  we  have  absolutely  gained  nothing, 
except  it  be  disappointment  and  mortification.  As  a  Demo- 
crat, I  am  not  prepared  to  admit  the  correctness  of  this  as- 
sumption— not  willing  to  subscribe  to  the  exploded  doctrine 
that  "that"  government  !; which  is  best  administered  is 
best.'1 

True,  a  good  government  may  be  badly  administered,  and 
when  that  is  the  case  the  community  suffers,  as  a  conse- 
quence. But  under  our  republican  system  the  corrective  is 
in  the  hands  of  the  people,  and.il  they  fail  to  apply  it,  and  at 
the  proper  time,  and  in  the  right,  quarter — the  fault  is  their 
own.  Li  the  instance  before  us — I  allude  to  the  govern- 
ment of  our  own  goodly  city — the  people  have  evidently 
mistaken  the  true  cause  of  the  difficulty,  arid  ascribed  their 
grievances  to  the  ineiliciency,  or  dishonesty  of  their  rulers, 
rather  than  to  the  true  and  legitimate  source,  the  defective 
nature  of  the  government  under  which  thjse  rulers  acted. 
Most  unwisely,  the  people  have,  uniformly,  applied  the  re- 
medy to  the  wrong  place  ;  and  have  all  the  while  been  tug- 
ging at  the  wrong  end  of  the  rope. 

Let  us  see  if  it  be  not  so.  W  hat,  then,  have  they  done 
towards  removing  the  evils  that  have  so  long  encompassed 
and  oppressed  them  t  Why,  they  have,  periodically,  chang- 
ed theft  city  legislators.  But  what  substantial  benefit  have 
they  derived  from  such  changes  ?  None,  whatever.  Let 
whom  would  be  elected,  and  of  whatever  political  party, 
the  same  course  was  pursued — the  same  abuses  practised,  and 
the  same  results  followed.  It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  your 
efforts,  have  hitherto,  been  wrongly  directed.  If  you  would 
accomplish  the  object  so  long  and  earnestly  desired,  you  must 
direct  your  energies  to  a  different  point,  and  endeavour  to  ef- 
fect a  change  in  the  structure  and  organization  of  the  system 
which  has  been  the  primary  and  efficient  cause  of  most  of 
the  evils  and  abuses  of  which  you  have  so  perseveringly 
and  energetically  complained. 

Fellow  Citizens,  with  your  permission  I  will  now  pro- 


0 


ceed  to  an  examination  of  the  character,  and  structure  of  our 
municipal  form  of  government,  and  endeavour  to  point  out 
"wherein  it  is  inconsistent — in  its  theory — with  the  recogniz- 
ed and  cherished  principles  of  our  republican  institutions  : 
and  incompatible — in  its  practical  workings — with  the  in- 
terest, safety,  and  welfare  of  the  citizen. 

In  the  first  place,  the  two  Boards  composing  our  City 
Legislature,  being  elected  by  the  same  votes,  for  the  same 
term,  and  representing  the  same  interests,  afford  no  effec- 
tual check  upon  each  other;  consequently,  no  practical  be- 
nefit is  derived  from  having  two  Boards  instead  of  one.  The 
law  making  power  therefore — the  most  dangerous  power 
in  any  government — is,  substantially )  vested  in  one  body 
of  men.  This  is  repugnant  to  -the  spirit  of  political  free- 
dom, and  utterly  subversive  of  the  great  principles  upon 
which  our  republican  institutions  rest.  A  single  assembly 
of  men,  although  selected  by  the  whole  people,  cannot  be 
safely  trusted  with  the  power  of  making  laws. 

The  power  to  declare  wrhat  is  law,  to  prescribe  rules  to 
govern  all  men,  in  a  given  jurisdiction,  is  a  power  extreme- 
ly liable  to  abuse,  as  all  history  attests :  and  the  greatest 
precautions  have  been  deemed  necessary,  by  wise  and  pa- 
triotic statesmen,  to  guard  against  those  abusep.  One  of 
the  devices  to  effect  this  purpose  is  to  lodge  the  law  making 
power  in  many  persons,  so  that  the  concurrence  of  a  majo- 
rity is  necessary  before  any  law  can  be  made. 

This  is  an  improvement  upon  mere  despotism,  where 
the  caprice  of  one  man  enacts  such  law  as  his  wisdom,  his 
passions  or  his  interests  may  dictate.  Rift,  it  has  also  been 
found  that  assemblages  of  legislators  are  almost  as  subject 
to  passion,  to  caprice,  to  accidental  influence,  to  local  pre- 
judice, and  to  a  thousand  other  undue  motives  as  an  indivi- 
dual. Indeed,  there  is  no  example  on  record  of  a  single 
unchecked  body  of  men  exercising  legislative  powers  with 
wisdom  and  moderation.  Look,  for  example,  at  the  bloody 
Council  of  Ten,  of  Venus,  and  at  the  Convention  of  France. 

To  counteract,  or  rather,  to  check  the  action  of  a  legisla- 
tive body,  such  as  we  have  supposed  ;  to  review  its  decisions 
when  contaminated  with  improper  motives,  a  second  legisla- 
tive body  has  been  devised,  whose  consent  must  be  joined 
to  that  of  the  first  in  order  to  make  law — and  in  most  modern 
republics  or  constitutional  governments  this  plan  has  been 
adopted  with  the  most  eminent  success. 

What  is  the  secret  of  the  success  of  two  legislative  bodies, 
where  either,  acting  singly,  would  prove  a  failure?  Why- 
is  it  that  one  body  alone  is  rash  and  tyrannical,  while  two 
&re  generally  mild  and  paternal  in  their  acts  ?    One  reason 


perhaps  is,  that  naked  vice  is  always  hateful  except  to  its 
possessor,  and  others  similarly  afflicted.  This  istrueof  ag- 
gregate as  well  as  of  indrvidual  bodies.  PJ  for  example, 
one  body  was  actuated  by  motives  of  fanaticism  or  corruption, 
and  the  other  body  by  a  different  constitution,  was  exempt 
from  those  vices,  the  laws  passed  by  the  first  body,  under 
the  influence  supposed,  could  not  fail  to  be  arrested  by  the 
second  body.  Or  if  a  local  prejudice,  which  is  still  a  form 
of  corruption,  actuated  the  first  body,  in  like  manner  the 
second  bod)-,  if  differently  constituted  would  be  more  apt 
to  escape  that  particular  corruption  and  to  give  an  upright 
vote  upon  the  case. 

It  is  evident  that  the  principal  advantage  of  two  Legisla- 
tive bodies  over  one,  is  that,  in  many  cases,  they  disagree, 
and  thus  improper  schemes  originating  in  the  one,  are,  by 
the  disagreement  of  the  second,  frustrated. 

What  is  the  surest  method  of  obtaining  a  second  body 
whose  failures  or  vices  shall  not  coincide  with  the  first  I 
Among  the  vices  of  legislators,  base  subserviency  to  par- 
ticular classes  of  constituents,  or  to  the  interests  of  particular 
localities,  holds  a  prominent  place.  If  these  classes  have  a 
powerful  voice  in  the  elections,  the  representative  but  too 
often  becomes  their  tool,  and  sacrifices  other  interests  to 
theirs. 

But  suppose  this  selfish  class  of  electors,  though  omnipo- 
tent as  to  the  representative  just  considered,  form  a  minute 
fraction  of  the  constituents  of  another  delegate  to  the  other 
legislative  body; — the  complete  subserviency  of  the  first 
does  not  reach  the  second,  for  the  cause  of  it  in  the  first,  is 
neutralized  by  a  difference  in  the  constituency  of  the  second. 
This  illustrates,  faintly,  the  advantage  that  may  be  obtained 
by  electing  the  two  legislative  bodies  by  different  constitu- 
encies. ' 

Again,  legislators  frequently  shape  their  course  with  a 
view  to  their  own  re-election.  If  one  House  supposes  such 
or  such  a  course,  however  unprincipled,  will  gain  votes  at 
the  coming  election,  it  may  possibly  take  that  course.  While 
the  other,  if  not  interested  in  the  result  of  that  election  in 
the  same  degree — if  its  existence  is  not  dependent  upon  that 
election,  it  will  be  apt  to  refuse  its  consent  to  measures 
which  obtained  the  acquiesence  of  the  other  House  only 
upon  considerations  of  desperate  necessity.  This  is  an  ex- 
ample of  the  advantage  of  a  difference  in  the  tenure  of  office 
in  the  two  Legislative  bodies. 

The  vices  Of  representative  bodies  not  unfrequently  origi- 
nate in  the  vices  of  the  political  cliques  that  elect  their 
members.    The  source  of  corruption  generally  lies  in  the 


5 


representative's  own  relations  with  his  political  supporter*. 
It  1*3  of  the  utmost  importance,  therefore,  to  prevent  these 
sources  from  overflowing  at  once  both  legislative  bodies. 
If  the  constituencies  are  different,  the  corrupting  cliques 
cannot  be  the  same  :  if  the  duration  of  office  ib  different, 
the  necessity  of  conciliating  those  cliques  dois  not  return  at 
the  same  time  to  the  members  of  the  two  bodies ;  an  I  thus 
additional  mean^  are  provided  against  the  enaction  oi  bad 
laws. 

But  I  need  not  dwell  upon  this  point.  All  understand 
and  acknowledge  the  propriety — nay,  the  absolute  neces- 
sity— of  having,  in  every  popular  government,  two  legisla- 
tive bodies,  and  they  so  constituted  as  to  act  as  checks  upon 
each  other.  Such,  unfortunately,  is  not  the  case  with  re 
gard  to  the  government  of  this  city. 

In  the  second  place,  the  Legislative  Chambers,  consisting 
of  the  two  Boards  of  Aldermen  and  Assistants,  assume  execu- 
tive powers,  thus  uniting  legislative  and  executive  functions 
in  one  and  the  same  body.  This  monstrous  feature  in  our 
City  Government  must  needs  be  regarded  by  freemen  with 
alarm  and  deep  disapprobation.  The  principle  is  pregnant 
with  positive  and  unqualified  mischief,  Every  reflecting 
man  knows,  that  the  legislative  power,  so  encroaching  and 
dangerous  in  its  nature,  when  clothed  with  executive  func-. 
tions,  must  be  omnipotent  for  evil.  The  [experience  and 
history  of  the  world  unite  in  proclaiming  this  important 
truth.* 

In  our  day.  and  in  our  country,  it  is  scarcely  supposable 
that  an  individual  could  be  found,  of  sound  mind  and  mature 
years,  who  would  contend  that  the  legislative  authority  should 
not  be  placed  in  hands  distinct  from  the  executive.  And 
yet,  strange  to  gay,  in  this  very  city — so  distinguished  for 
its  public  spirit — this  political  monstrosity  has  been  tolerated 
for  years — exciting  the  unmitigated  disgust  of  the  intelligent 
and  patriotic,  and  materially  prejudicing  the  interests  of  all 
classes. 

Under  our  present  system — as  practised — the  Common 
Council  is  not  only  the  legislative  as  weli  as  executive 
authority,  but  by  means  of  its  Executive  Committees — as 
they  are  called — the  City  Legislature  is  subdivided  into  a 
number  of  sublegislatures,  corresponding  with  the  number 
of  these  committees, — in  the  language  of  our  present  worthy 
and  excellent  Mayor,  in  his  Annual  Message  of  May  29, 
1843. 

These  sublegislatures  determined,  legislatively,  that  work 
was  necessary  to  be  done,  executively  they  made  the  con- 
tract or  employed  the  workmen,  in  many  instances  took  the 
•ontract  themjelve«,  or  were  interested  in  it  j  executively 


9 


they  determined  whether  their  own  work  was  properly  done 
and  dtrected  payment  to  themselves  out  pf  the  City  Treasu- 
ry. Legislative  acts  of  these  sub-legislatures  were  never 
sent  to  the.  Mayor  for  approval  or  objection.  By  such  prac- 
tice, the  Mayor's  limited  objecting-  power  was  destroyed. 
Hi  knew  nothing  of  the  legislative  action  until  the  warrant 
tor  payment  of  the  work  was  sent  to  him  for  his  signature, 
and  then  he  was  met  with  the  position  that  work  had 
been  done,  and  the  corporation  had  received  the  benefit  ot 
the  poor  man's  labor,  and  that  an  action  could  be  sustained 
against  the  Corporation  for  work,  labor,  services  and  mate 
rials  furnished  to  the  lisp  of  the  Corporation.  In  this  manner 
many  hundred  thousands  of  dollars  of  the  people's  money 
has  been  uselessly  and  extravagantly  expended  since  the 
organization  under  the  amended  charter,  and  in  direct  vio- 
lation of  the  spirit  and  letter  of  that  instrument. 

It  is  true  that  by  the  public,  who  have  read  and  understood 
the  charter,  but  have  been  ignorant  of  the  practice  under  it, 
the  Mayor  is  considered  the  chief  executive  officer  of  the 
City,  and  has  been  held  rosponsible  for  the  proper  govern- 
ment of  the  City  and  the  prudent  expenditure  of  its  funds. 
Yet  the  operation  and  practical  effect  has  been  that  he  has 
had  less  to  do  with  the  government,  and  has  possessed  in- 
comparably less  power  over  expenditures,  than  a  chairman 
of  one  of  the  committees  of  the  Board  of  Assistants  who 
does  not  even  possess  magisterial  power. 

This  course  of  practice  has  been  prominently  exemplified 
in  the  administration  of  your  immediate  predecessors.  From 
a  statement  which  the  Comptroller  has  been  caused  to  fur- 
nish me  from  the  books  of  his  predecessor,  it  appears  that 
there  has  been  paid  out  of  the  City  Treasury  to  members 
of  the  Common  Council,  and  to  firms  in  which  members 
were  interested,  from  May  1842  to  May  1843,  as  taken 
from  bills,  from  £Jity  and  Trust  accounts,  and  from  those  of 
the  departments  of  the  Alms  House,  Superintendent,  of  streets 
of  lamps,  of  buildings,  the  following  amounts. 

To  an  Assistant  Alderman  for  printing  and 

stationary,  -, 
To  an  Assistant  Alderman,  for  plumber's  work 

and  hydrants,  - 
To  an  Alderman,  for  hardware,  - 
Tn  an  Alderman,  for  spirits  of  turpentine, 
To  an  Alderman,  for  glass,  paints,  &c. 
To  an  Alderman,  for  timber, 
To  an  Alderman,  for  chairs,  - 
To  an  Alderman,  for  coal  and  cartage, 
To  an  Alderman,  for  ice, 


6,282  05 

5.421  20 
905  13 
151  56 
503  22 
353  17 

92  13 
858  75 

91  90 


10 


To  an  Alderman,  for  water  jars,  &-c.    -       -  55  25 

To  an  Alderman,  for  freight  of  manure,    -  \3  25 

To  an  Alderman,  for  relief  of  out-door  poor,  $193  73 
for  3805  yards  of  gravel,   380  55 

  574  33 

To  an  Alderman,  for  fuel,  ....       1,170  87 


Amounting  lo     ....       616,511  61 

This  amount,  reported  to  me  hy  the  Comptroller,  most 
probably  is  not.  the  whole  sum  paid  to  members  of  the  late 
Common  Council  and  of  payments  in  which  members  were 
interested.  The  short  time  the  present  Comptroller  has  had 
to  make  the  examination,  his  other  necessary  and  arduous 
duties  and  the  immense  number  of  accounts  he  would  be  ob- 
liged to  examine  to  make  a  fully  correct  statement  upon  this 
subject,  precludes  the  belief  that  it  contains  all.  It  is  suffi- 
cient however,  to  show  that  large  sums  of  money  have  been 
received  by  members  of  the  Common  Council,  contrary  not 
only  to  the  spirit  but  in  direct  violation  of  the  letter  of  the 
Charter  of  the  City. 

The  effect  of  such  practice  by  members  of  the  common 
council,  is  incalculably  prejudicial  to  the  interes's  of  the  city 
and  shamefully  burdensome  to  the  tax-payer,  and  that  too 
without  even  the  palliation  that  the  money  is  distributed  to 
benefit  the  many.  Such  practice  will  lead  persons  to  ob- 
tain seats  in  the  Common  Council  with  the  express  object 
of  making  money  out  of  the  City  Treasury.  An  election 
to  the  Common  Council  will  hecome  a  means  of  trade,  a 
"  drumming  for  custom."  Such  practice  would  be  an  in- 
ducement to  bring  into  the  Common  Council  members  of 
different  business  pursuits,  who  would  divide  among  them- 
selves the  whole  business  ef  supplying  the  wants  of  the  City 
Government;  each  being  desirous  to  receive  from  the  City 
Treasury  the  most  his  peculiar  business  would  authorize, 
would  not  oppose  the  pecuniary  interests  of  the  others  that 
he  in  turn  might  not  be.  opposed  by  thein.  This  would  lead 
to  the  most  extravagant  expenditure  of  money  for  repairs 
and  work  performed  for  the  Corporation,  and  to  a  lavish  and 
unnecessary  supply  of  every  article  which  officers  and  de- 
partments of  the  Corporation  require.  This  would  entirely 
destroy  the  watchful  guard  over  the  City  Treasury,  and  the 
s'rict  scrutiny  over  the  work  performed  and  materials  fur-  r 
nished  for  city  purposes,  which  it  is  the  essential  duty  of 
members  of  the  Common.  Council  to  provide  for  by  ordi- 
nances, and  would  result  in  a  careless,  reckless  squandering 
of  the  public  monies,  without  the  forms  of  law  or  equitable 
1  claim,  upon  the  favorites  and  supporters  of  the  members. 


11 


This  last  t  endency  of  such  practice  has  been  palpably  ex- 
hibited in  some  of  the  actions  of  your  predecessors,  and 
shows  that  the  appropriation  to  their  own  use  of  the  public 
monies  made  them  illegally  liberal  in  dispensing  the  public 
monies  to  others. 

The  practice  complained  of  by  Mayor  Morris  from  the 
extract  just  read,  has  been,  and  will  continue  to  be  pursued 
until  a  new  organization  of  our  municipal  government  shall 
be  effected. 

Let  us  consider,  for  a  moment,  the  action  of  four  or  five 
out  of  the  twenty  "Executive  Committees  :" — the  Committee 
on  "Public  Buildings  and  Repairs,"  on  "Wharves  and 
Slips,"  on  ':  Streets,"  and  on  "  Roads  and  Canals,"  are  com- 
posed of  three  Aldermen  and  three  Assistants  each.  All  the 
heavy  public  expenditures,  for  erecting  new  buildings  or 
docks,  or  repairing  old  ones — all  the  expenses  for  opening 
new  streets  and  roads,  or  repairing  old  ones,  are  incurred 
ty  these  Committees.  There  is  another  called  the  "  Fi- 
nance Committee;'  whose  duty  it  is  to  see  that  the  finances 
are  properly  administered,  and  that  the  expenses  do  no  out- 
run the  receipts.  This  looks  tolerably  well  on  paper,  and 
we  might  suppose  that  the  Finance  Committee  would  keep 
the  others  in  check,  if  we  did  not  know  that  this  very  Fi- 
nance Committee  was  made  up  of  men  belonging  to  all  these 
other  Committees.  Alderman  A,  therefore,  can  vote  on  the 
Public  Building  Committee  for  an  expenditure,  and  when 
the  Finance.  Committee  meets,  he  is  on  the  spot  to  vote  it 
t  hrough  that  also.  Alderman  B.  can  vote  on  the  Wharf 
Committee  for  building  new  wharves,  and  in  the  Finance 
Committee  to  carry  it  there.  Aldermen  C.  and  D.  can  vote 
in  the  Street  and  Road  Committee,  to  make  new  streets  and 
roads,  or  to  grave^o\d  ones,  and  in  the  Finance  Committee 
to  quarter  their  jobs  on  the  treasury.  And,  finally,  A.  B. 
C.  and  D.,  with  their  associates  on  these  Committees,  form 
not  only  a  majority  on  the  Finance  Committee,  but  are  so 
strong  as  to  be  able  to  control  the  action  of  the  Common 
Council  itself.  ( 

If  there  is  any  wrong  done,  who  is  there  to  correct  it  ? 
The  men  who  ought  to  watch  over  the  public  interests,  are 
the  very  men  implicated.  Such  a  system  is  well  calculated 
to  combine  the  largest  possible  expenditure  with  the  least 
uti'ity  and  responsibility. 

It  would  be  an  easy  matter  to  point  to  numerous  lacts,  illus- 
trative of  the  practical  operation  of  these  Committees,  were 
it  deemed  necessary.  But.  as  it  is  ever  an  ungrateful  task 
to  dwell  too  minutely  on  the  frailties  of  poor  human  nature. 
I  will  name  but  one. 


12 


Mr.  Ewen,  Street  Commissioner,  reported  to  the  Common 
"Council,  some  time  since,  tbat  when  Committees  of  Alder- 
men managed  the  paving  and  repairing  of  streets,  it  cost 
the  city  $30,000.  That  last  year,  when  managed  by 
his  department,  without  the  Aldenneu's  assistance,  it  cost 
$7000.  This  fact  should  be  borne  in  mind  by  all  who  do 
not  love  high  taxes 

If  our  citizens,  however,  can  afford  to  indulge  in  such 
luxuries — if  they  are  willing  to  let  their  Aldermen  put  a 
bill  of  $30,000  upon  them,  when  $7000  will  pay  the  ex- 
pense of  the  same  work  done  by  a  "  distinct  department," 
let  them  go  on  ;  but  let  us  hear  no  more  complaints  about 
heavy  taxes. 

This  one  case  sufficiently  illustrates  the  evils  incident  to 
the  famous  Committee  system. 

Again — as  if  to  render  the  absurd  and  anti-democratic 
character  of  our  municipal  system  complete — the  Mayor — 
the  theoretical  Chief  Magistrate — is  not  recognized  as  a  co- 
ordinate branch  of  the  City  Legislature.  Nor  is  he,  to  any 
useful  extent,  possessed  of  the  veto  power.  That  power,  so 
dear  to  republicans,  which  has  proved  so  salutary  in  the 
government  of  the  United  States,  and  which  has  so  often 
saved  our  country  (especially  during  the  administrations  of 
Andrew  Jackson  and  John  Tyler)  from  the  most  dangerous 
schemes  of  designing  men  in  our  national  legislature,  is,  in 
effect,  inoperative,  so  far  as  the  government  of  this  city  is 
concerned.  Nor  has  the  Mayor  a  voice  in  the  appointment 
of  the  officers,  by  whose  assistance  he  is  expected  to  enforce 
the  laws  and  protect  the  rights  of  the  citizens. 

Not  only  is  the  chief  magistrate  restrained  from  appoint- 
ing the  subordinate  executive  officers,  but  also  from  exerci- 
sing any  effective  control  over  the  action  of  the  municipal  le- 
gislature. The  officers  of  the  Corporation  being  appointed 
by  the  .Common  Council,  have  almost  as  many  masters  as 
there  are  members  of  the  two  Boards ;  consequently,  there 
can  be  but  little  responsibility,  and  less  unity  of  purpose  and 
of  action — on  the  part  of  those  officials  — to  say  nothing  of 
the  utter  want  of  economy  in  the  management  of  our  muni- 
cipal affairs. 

It  may  be  laid  down  as  an  axiom,  that  no  government 
embracing  in  its  jurisdiction  extensive  and  diversified  inte- 
rests, can,  to  the  governed,  be  advantageously  and  benefi- 
cially administered  in  the  absence  of  one  efficient  Chief 
Magistrate.  And  equally  true  is  it — as  the  experience 
of  the  past  has  shown — that  no  government,  composed 
of  a  single  legislative  body  and  a  plural  executive,  can 


13 


be  abiding,  or  popular  with  the  people.  The  experi- 
ment was  sufficiently  tested  in  France.  The  first  at- 
tempt of  the  French  people  to  establish  a  republic,  failed, 
because  the  whole  powers  of  the  government  were  lodged 
in  one  body  ;  and  the  second  attempt  also  failed,  from  divi- 
ding the  responsibility  of  the  executive  among  several  per- 
sons. The  experiment  has  also  been  tried  in  this  country, 
and  with  about  equal  success.  Under  the  "old  confedera- 
tion," the  Congress  was  a  single  legislative  body,  and  the 
executive  power  was  lodged  in  the  *  Committee  of  the 
States,"  composed  of  at  least  nine  members  of  Congress. 
This  absurd  plan  of  a  government  carried  within  itself  the 
elements  of  its  own  destruction,  and  it  fell  to  pieces  imme- 
diately after  the  termination  of  the  revolutionary  war.  But 
I  need  not  refer  to  the  past  for  proof,  that  governments  con- 
stituted in  the  manner  just,  described,  are  unsafe,  unstable, 
oppressive  and  corrupt.  The  working  of  our  own  precious 
Municipal  System  sufficiently  establishes  and  illustrates  the 
truth  of  the  position. 

The  fact  is,  fellow  citizens,  as  "I  have  already  intimated, 
the  present  government  of  the  City  of  New  York  violates 
each  of  the  cardinal  principles  upon  which  our  National  and 
State  governments  rest.  Can  it  be  thought  strange,  there- 
fore, that  our  people,  and  especially  the  Democratic  portion 
of  them,  should  regard  it  with  disfavor,  and  hold  it  in  con- 
tempt? Certainly  not.  Our  citizens  are  too  deeply  im- 
bued with  the  spirit  of  rational  freedom — too  well  skilled  in 
the  principles  of  political  science,  longer  to  tolerate  a  system 
of  government  so  anti-democratic  in  its  character,  and  so 
corrupting  in  its  tendencies.  And  what  is  the  appropriate 
remedy  for  this  evil?  Why,  to  so  change  our  municipal 
system  as  to  mak£  it  assimilate,  more  nearly  to  the, General 
and  State  Governments.  Make  two  legislative  bodies 
in  reality  ;  elect  them  for  different  terms,  and  create  a 
distinct  executive,  a  Mayor,  vested  with  the  veto  and  ap- 
pointing powers.  Will  it  be  said  that  this  last  proposition 
confers  too  much  power  on  the  Mayor  ?  I  am  not  prepar- 
ed to  expect  such  an  objection  from  an  admirer  of  our  re- 
publican form  of  government.  It  must  be  evident  to  every 
one  conversant  with  the  subject,  that  it  is  essential  to  the 
successful  operation  of  any  government,  that  the  law-execu 
ting  power  be  lodged  in  a  single  individual.  However  ne- 
cessary deliberation  may  be  in  making  a  law,  none  is  requir- 
ed in  the  expectation  of  it.  Deliberation  ends  the  instant 
the  law  is  made.  All  that  remains  after  that  is  to  enforce 
it  with  promptness  and  energy.  This  can  scarcely  be  done 
by  a  plural  executive  j  because,  where  responsibility  is  di- 


14 


vided  among  a  number,  there  is,  in  reality,  no  responsibility 
at  all.  How  then  are  you  to  exact  responsibility  from  our 
Municipal  Executive,  consisting,  as  it  does,  of  thirty-four 
heads!  Or  how  can  you  expect  to  find  safety  or  economy 
in  a  government  where  the  legislative  and  executive  powers 
are  blended? 

I  know,  my  fellow  citizens,  that  the  proposition  to  invest 
the  Mayor  with  power, — as  far  as  the  case  admits — anala- 
gous  to  those  possessed  by  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  and  by  the  Governor  of  this  State,  will  be  opposed 
by  those  wbo  are  unfriendly  to  the  principles,  the  policy  and 
political  integrity  which  called  those  governments  into  exist- 
ence, upholds  and  sustains  them.  By  any  others  ?  No — my 
word  for  it — not  by  any  others.  It  will  be  by  men  of  that 
political  complexion,  and  of  that  complexion  alone,  who  will 
presume  to  offend  the  public  ear,  and  insult  the  public 
sense  with  their  hollow  and  hypocritical  clamors  against 
executive  dictation — executive  patronage,  and  "  the  one  man 
poiuer  /"  Let  them  rave.  They  will  soon  discover,  to 
their  own  confusion,  that  the  efforts  of  mock  patriots  and 
political  demagogues,  when  directed  against  this  bulwark  of 
republican  freedom,  are  as  impotent  and  harmless  as  their 
designs  are  treasonable  and  infamous.  Observe,  fellow  citi- 
zens it  is  not  the  exclusive  possession  of  the  executive,  but 
of  the  legislative  power,  that  makes  the  despot  terrible — that 
arms  him  with  danger  and  with  death.  Where  the  mon- 
arch does  not  possess  the  power  to  make  Imv,  his  ability  for 
either  good  or  evil,  is  limited.  The  possession  of  power  is 
not  rendered  dangerous,  or  otherwise,  from  the  mere  fact  of 
its  being  lodged  in  a  unity,  or  plurality  of  persons.  The 
danger  consists  in  conferring  upon  one  person,  or  upon 
many  persons  in  one  body,  the  supreme  power  to  makelatc. 
Instead  of  the  one  man  power  being  the  most  dangerous, 
experience  has  shown  that  a  many-headed  tyrant  is  far 
more  bloody  and  terrible.  No  single  body,  as  I  have  al- 
ready stated,  whether  composed  of  one  or  five  hundred  indi- 
viduals, can  safely  be  trusted  with  supreme  power.  It 
must  be  divided  among  two  or  three,  so  that  each  may 
have  a  negative  upon  the  other  two.  It  is  so  with  the 
two  houses  of  Congress  and  the  President,  and  it  is  like- 
wise so  with  the  two  houses  of  the  State  Legislature  and 
the  Governor.  And  why  should  it  not  be  the  same  with 
regard  to  the  Common  Council  and  the  Mayor  ?  The  man 
who  can  show  why  it  should  not,  would  exhibit  a  rare  evi- 
dence of  political  ingenuity.  Where  is  the  American 
Machiavel  1-    Let  him  stand  forth. 


Id 

I  have  thu3  briefly,  and  perhaps  very  imperfectly  sketch- 
ed the  evils  that  attach  to  our  municipal  system.  I  trust, 
however,  that  I  have  succeeded  in  making  manifest  the 
marked  incompatibility  of  our  City  government,  with  the 
character  of  the  General  and  State  governments. 

Fellow  citizens-,  when  we  think  of  these  unwise — per- 
chance criminal — departures  from  the  political  wisdom  and 
virtue  of  those  patriots  and  statesmen,  who  founded  our  glo- 
rious Union,  can  we  think  it  strange  that  our  City  adminis- 
tration is  so  defective  in  its  character,  so  unpropuious  in  its 
operations,  and  so  justly  and  universally  unpopular  with 
the  people  ?  Can  we  wonder  that  both  political  parties 
have  failed  to  work  successfully  with  a  machine  so  ill  con- 
trived \  Can  we  wonder,  that  so  long  as  democrats  con- 
sent to  administer  a  government  thus  constituted,  there  can 
he  but  little  perceptible  difference  between  thein  and  their 
political  opponents?. 

If  we  would  recover  our  lost  ground,  we  must  return  to 
the  principles  of  our  faith.  We  must  raise  the  standard  of 
reform,  and  make  the  government  of  New  York  City  among 
cities,  what  the  United  States  Government  is  among  the  na- 
tions of  the  earth.  The  two  houses  of  the  City  Legislature, 
like  the  two  houses  of  Congress,  must  represent  distinct 
interests ;  the  Chief  Magistrate  must  possess  the  veto  power ; 
the  Chief  Magistrate  must  nominate  the  officers  who  are  to 
act  with  him  in  executing  the  laws,  and  with  the  advice  and 
consent  of  the  more  permanent  branch  of  the  city  Legisla- 
ture, appoint  them.  And  when  this  shall  be  done,  the  muni- 
cipal government  of  New  York  will  become  as  renowned 
for  its  efficiency  and  economy,  as  it  is  now  for  its  corrup- 
tion and  its  disgrace  with  the  people. 

Suppose,  fellow  citizens,  it  should  be  proposed  to  so 
ch  inge  the  character  and  organization  of  the  United  States 
Government,  as  to  make  it  assimilate,  as  nearly  as  possible, 
with  the  Municipal  Government  of  this  City — to  deprive  the 
President  of  the  veto  and  appointing  power — to  elect  the 
two  houses  of  Congress  for  the  same  term,  and  by  the  same 
constituencies— and,  instead  of  having  distinct  departments, 
as  at  present,  the  members  of  the  two  houses  to  form  themselves 
nto  "  Executive  Committees,1'  that  should  usurp  both  the  le- 
gislative and  executive  powers,  what  would  be  your  course  on 
the  subject?  Would  you  not.  to  a  man,  reject  the  impudent 
and  treasonable  proposition  with  disgustand  abhorrence?  Most 
undoubtedly  you  would.  Your  foresight  and  political  sagacity 
would  enable  you  to  discover  the  alarming  evils  that  would 
ncessarily  result  to  the  cause  of  popular  liberty,  and  to  the 
interests  and  welfare  of  the  American  people  from  such  a 
change.    You  would  perceive  that  the  members  comprising 


IG 


the  Congressional  committees,  the  committees  on  Naval  Af- 
Mrs,  on  Military  Affairs,  on  Public  Buildings,  on  the  Pub- 
lic Lands,  &c.  <fec,  would  have  it  within  their  power  to  de- 
termine, in  the  first  place,  what  national  works  should  be 
commenced,  extended  or  repaired  ;  to  contract,  or  to  have 
an  interest  in  contracts  to  be  made  therefor ;  to  furnish  di- 
rectly or  indirectly  materials  for  the  same,  as  well  as  all  gov- 
ernment supplies  ;  and  in  the  second  place,  to  pass  on  their 
own  accounts  and  authorize  the  payment  out  of  the  Nation- 
al Treasury.    Who  can  form  an  estimate  of  what  the  gov- 
ernment expenses  would  be  per  annum,  or  to  what  extent 
abuses  would  be  practised,  under  such  a  system  ?  The  pay  of 
a  member  of  Congress,  instead  of  being  eight  dollars  per  day, 
might  be  made  worth  eight  times  that  amount,  to  say  nothing 
of  the  negligent  and  extravagant  manner  in  which,  the  pub- 
lic business  would  necessarily  be  conducted  under  such  an 
administration  of  our  national  affairs.    If  then,  you  would 
spurn  the  proposition  to  change  the  character  of  the  Gene- 
ral Government,  so  as  to  make  it  correspond  with  the  char- 
acter of  our  municipal  government,  why  should  you  not  re- 
ject with 'equal  energy  and  indignation,  a  proposition  to  re- 
tain a  system  of  government  for  a  part,  which  you  would 
condemn  for  the  whole  country*?    If  the  principle  is  wrong 
and  dangerous,  in  the  one  instance,  it  must  be  equally  so  in 
the  other.    If  a  change,  in  the  first  case,  would  prejudice 
the  interests  of  the  whole  country,  a  change,  in  the  second 
ease,  would  necessarily  promote  the  interests  of  our  citxj. 
This  conclusion  is  irresistable,  and  admits  of  neither  cavil 
nor  controversy.    Such,  then,  being  the  case,  why  should 
the  people  longer  delay  the  work  of  reform'?    Why  longer 
hesitate  to  change  a  system  ol  government,  known  and  ac- 
knowledged to  be  bad,  for  one  that  has  been  tested — both  in 
the  Union  and  in  the  different  States — and  found,  not  only 
t  to  be  good,  but  the  very  best  that  human  ingenuity  ever 
devised  ^    Let  the  political  casuist  answer — if  he  can. 

The  archetypal  or  pattern  government,  after  which  we 
propose  to  fashion — as  far  as  practicable — our  municipal 
government  is  no  experiment — no  new  and  untried  theory, 
but  a  living  fact — a  substantial  truth;  It  has  braved  the 
storms  of  more  than  fifty  years  ;  and,  thanks  be  to  God,  it 
still  stands,  a  proud  and  peerless  monument  of  political 
wisdom  and  virtue — its  battlements  unscathed,  its  founda- 
tions unshaken. 

Most  of  the  state  governments — as  all  know — are  model- 
led after  the  government  of  the  United  States;  and,  let  it 
be  observed,  wherever  there  is  a  marked*  departure  from 
that  model,  the  people  become  dissatisfied,  and  desire  a 
change  of  the  origanic  law,  as  the  recent  movement  in 


17 


Rhode  Island,  and  the  present  proceedings  in  New  Jersey, 
plainly  show. 

In  any  plan  of  Municipal  Reform  it  is  believed  that  the 
following  principles  should  be  embodied. 

1st.  The  executive  and  legislative  powers  should  be  com- 
pletely separated  from  each  other. 

2d.  The  executive  power  should  be  invested  in  a  single 
officer,  to  whom  all  other  executive  officers  should  be  sub- 
ordinate. 

3d.  The  chief  executive  officer  should  possess  the  veto 
power  as  possessed  by  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
and  by  the- Governor  of  this  State. 

4th,  He  should  nominate,  and,  with  the  advice  and  con- 
sent of  t  he  more  permanent  branch  of  the  legislative  de- 
partment, should  appoint  all  executive  and  judicial  officers, 
sucluas  are  now  appointed  by  the  Common  Council. 

5th.  He  should  be  remove  !  from  office  for  crimes  and  mis- 
demeanors, upon  impeachment  by  the  popular  branch  of 
the  legislature,  and  conviction  by  the  other  branch. 

Gth.  The  Mayor  should  be  elected  as  at  present. 

7th.  There  should  be  one  Board  oi  Chamber  of  the  city 
legislature  elected  annually,  as  at  present  by  the  several 
wards,  the  members  thereof  to  be  also  magistrates  and  su- 
pervisors of  the  county. 

Sth.  A  more  permanent  branch  is  also  recommended,  but 
whose  members  shall  not  be  either  magistrates  or  supervi- 
sors— a  part,  say  one  third  only  of  this  branch  to  be  elected 
each  year,  by  divisions  of  the  city  analogous  to  the  division 
of  the  state  into  senate  districts. 

9th.  The  members  of  both  legislative  bodies  should  be 
paid  an  equitable  compensation  for  their  services. 

I  have  refrained  from  offering  any  suggestions  relative 
to  a  reform  in  the  Police  Department,  and  for  the  reason 
that  thecpresent  Common  Council  are  now  actively  engaged 
on  that  subject. 

The  propositions  just  submitted  embrace,  as  you  are 
aware,  the  leading  principles  upon  which  are  based  the 
Federal  as  well  as  most  of  the  State  Constitutions.  That 
those  principles  are  essential  to  a  free  government,  whether 
'  embracing  within  its  limits  a  population  of  three  hundred 
thousand  or  of  three  hundred  millions,  will  not,  I  appre- 
hend, be  disputed  by  any  American  Citizen. 

I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  the  alterations  which  it  is  pro- 
posed to  make,  in  our  city  government,  are  all  that  are  ne- 
cessary, nor  the  best  or  most  wise,  that  could  have  been 
named.  By  no  means.  They  are  thrown  out  as  surges 
(ions,  rather  than  as  a  maturely  devised  plan.  It  is  the  pro- 


is 

vince  of  the  Common  Council  to  mature  and  perfect  the 

System^  of  which  the  foregoing  propositions  are  but  the  type. 
The  great  object  is  to  call  public  attention  to  the  &ubject ; 
and  when  that  shall  be  properly  done,  there  is  not  much 
danger  as  to  the  insult. 

I  have  been  told,  recently,  that  the  people  do  not  desire  a 
change  in  the  structure  and  organization  of  our  city  go- 
vernment. This  declaration  I  regard  as  an  insult  to  their 
understandings,  and  a  libel  on  their  daily  asseverations.  It 
has  also  been  said  that,  there  were  soma  who  would  oppose 
any  attempt  at  reform.  This  may  be  so  ;  for  there  are  in 
every  community,  more  or  less,  individuals  whose jm inds  are 
so  unfortunately  constituted  that  they  are  incapable  of  dis- 
criminating between  right  and  wrong.  While  there  are 
others  who  understand  the  right,  but  prefer  the  wrong. 
The  latter  class  will,  as  a  matter  of  course,  oppose  any  at- 
tempt at  reform — whether  moral  or  municipal.  Their  op- 
position, however,  will  be  harmless :  and  when  they  shall 
make  the  attempt,  they  will  find  the  saying,  that  "  God 
has  given  short  horns  to  the  mischievous  Ox,"  verified. 
When  the  honest  and  intelligent  many  lend  their  energies  to 
the  work,  the  ignorant  and  vicious  few  will  oppose  it  in  vain- 

Is  it,  asked  when  the  work  of  reform  will  be  commenced? 
I  answer,  NOW.  Let  there  be  no  more  delay — no  further 
postponements.  The  people  are  wearied  with  mere  promi- 
ses and  professions.  They  now  demand  prompt  and  ener- 
getic action.  They  require  that  the  candidates,  both  for  the 
Mayoralty  and  the  City  Legislature,  signify,  in  a  satisfac- 
tory manner,  their  determination,  if  elected,  to  push  the  work 
of  reform  to  a  speedy  consummation.  And  I  call  upon 
those  who  are  preparing  to  leave  the  City,  on  account  of  the 
enormous  taxes  to  which  they  are  subjected,  to  remain  at 
their  posts,  and  lend  a  helping  hand  in  the  cause  of  reform. 
It  is  always  more  manly,  and  generally  more  safe,  to  face 
an  enemy'tban  to  flee  from  him.  The  evils  from  which 
many  are  flying,  and  all  feel,  can,  if  the  people  but  so  will 
it,  be  easily  and  speedilv  removed.  If  the  present  Common 
Council  have  not  the  time,  or  the  inclination,  to  mature  a 
plan  of  reform,  so  that  the  State  Legislature,  now  in  session, 
can  act  upon  it,  let  their  successors,  as  soon  as  installed 
commence  the  work,  and  prosecute  it  until  completed,  so 
that  the  next  State  Legislature,  as  soon  as  convened,  may 
pass  upon  it. 

Shall  we  be  met  with  the  stale,  the  cowardly,  the  poor 
and  pitiful  objection,  that  it  may  hurt  "  the  party"  to  agitate 
this  subject,  at  the  present  t  ime  1    Sir — if  the  integrity  or 


ID 


welfare  of  the  Democratic  party  can  be  injured  at  this  or 
at  any  other  time,  by  opposing  a  system  of1  government  that 
is  corrupting  in  all  its  tendencies,  and  utterly  inconsistent 
with  the  American  principle — or,  by  advocating  a  form  of 
government  ihat  shall  be  based  upon  principles  consonant 
with  those  upon  which  rest  our  free  and  glorious  institutions 
— why,  be  it  .so  :  the  sooner  destruction  overtakes  it,  the  bet- 
ter. What  sir  !  can  a  party  whose  political  faith  is  founded 
upon  the  eternal  principles  of  truth  and  justice,  hazard  its 
success  by  acting  in  conformity  with  its  professions  ?  Is  it 
so  that  the  Democratic  party  is  obliged  to  depend  upon  du^ 
plicity  and  hypocrisy  for  its  strength,  and  its  triumphs  ?  Has 
it  no  faith  in  its  principles  %  If  it  has,  let  it  manifest  it  by  its 
works.  "Faith  without  works  is  dead,"  saith  the  Apostle 
No,  sir,  the  Democratic  party  owes  it  to  itself,  and  to  its  own  * 
high  character,  to  proclaim  boldly  and  fearlessly,  its  princi- 
ples and  its  purposes.  All  it  asks,  is  day-light  and  fair 
play.  It  courts  investigation,  and'  abhors  concealment. 
From  its  open  and  avowed  enemies,  it  has  nothing  to  dread. 
From  its  timid  and  tender-footed  supporters  it  has  nothing  to 
hope,  but  every  thing  to  fear. 

The  trying  vicissitudes  through  which  that  party  has  pass- 
ed, are  attributable  to  the  moral  cowardice,  and  to  the  mor- 
al obliquity  of  its  professed  friends.  And  should  it  eventual- 
ly be  destined  to  fall,  the  blow  that  shall  achieve  its  de- 
struction, will  be  dealt  by  its  craven,  mean,  and  mercinary 
disciples. 

To  the  friends  of  municipal  reform  I  would  say,  abate 
not  your  efforts  because  of  the  clamors  that  may  be  raised 
by  a  few  spiritless,  interested,  or  dissolute  members  of  the 
party.  Do  not  allow  your  nerves  to  be  affected,  because 
certain  individual  may  raise  a  false  alarm.  Direct  your 
attention  to  one  point — turn  neither  to  the  right  nor  to  the 
left,  but  advance  steadily  and  confidently  to  your  object,  re- 
gardless of  whatever  may  be  said  or  done  by  the  enemies  of 
reform.  You  need  no  other  incentive  to  action  than  a 
knowledge  of  the  fact,  that  the  honor  and  interest  of  the  de- 
mocratic party,  as  well  as  the  character  and  welfare  of  our 
city,  require  a  radical  change  in  the  structure  and  organi- 
zation of  its  Municipal  Government. 

Be  not  deceived,  neither  by  false  lights,  nor  by  false 
friends.  Place  no  confiJenceJ  in  the  declarations  of  those 
who  profess  to  be  in  favor  of  reform — at  some  future  time — 
"  On  some  other  fourth  of  July."  There  is  no  truth  in  their 
professions — no  sincerity  in  their  souls.  The  man  that  is 
not,  from  principle,  in  favor  of  reform  this  year,  will  not 


20 


£e  so  next.  He  who  will  not  oppose  what  is  "  clearly  wrong," 
to-day,  can  scarcely  be  expected  to  support  that  which  is 
"  clearly  right,"  to-morrow.  I  repeat,  therefore,  be  not  de- 
ceived. From  the  reform  movement  the  democratic  party 
has  nothing  to  lose,  but  everything  to  gain.  Its  success  in 
the  coming  contest,  will  be  commensurate  to  the  energy 
and  sincerity  with  which  it  shall  advocate  that  measure. 
Can  the  democratic  party,  at  this  time,  desire  a  better  issue, 
or  place  itself  on  higher  or  more  favorable  ground  than  that 
of  municipal  reform'?  Certainly  not.  Let  the  democratic 
candidates,  in  the  coming  election,  but  give  the  people  sa- 
tisfactory assurance  of  their  sincerity,  on  this  subject,  and 
they  will  not  only  receive  the  united  support  of  the  upright 
and  faithful  of  their  own  party,  but  likewise  the  support  of 
the  intelligent,  patriotic  and  liberal-minded  of  all  other  par- 
ti s.  And  why  not?  Is  it  not  notorious  that  the  pecunia- 
ry interests  and  general  welfare  of  our  citizens,  regardless 
of  all  party  considerations,  require  a  radical  and  speedy  re- 
form in  our  city  government  1  And  will  they  not  act  in 
reference  to  what  they  knovj  to  be  their  interest,  and  the 
general  good  ?  None  may  doubt  it.  The  demagogues  and 
party  bigots  in  the  ranks  of  our  political  opponents,  may,  it 
is  true,  oppose  reform,  because  it  emanates  from  the  den  o- 
cracy ; — but  their  opposition  we  shall  have  to  encounter  in 
any  event;  hence,  we  have  nothing  to  lose  on  that  score. 
In  whatever  aspect,  therefore,  we  regard  this  subject — 
whether  as  connected  with  the  general  welfare  and  pros- 
perity of  the  city,  or  with  the  honor  and  success  of  the  de- 
mocratic party — it  promises  to  be  most  auspicious. 

Why  is  it  that  so  many  thousands  have  left  the  ranks  of 
the  two  great  parties,  and  formed  a  separate  and  distinct 
political  organization  ?  Ask  the  honest  and  intelligent  of 
the  "Native  American"  party  why,  and  they  will  tell  you 
that  their  great  and  leading  motive  was,  an  I  is,  to  effect  a 
reform  in  our  municipal  affairs — that  they  had,  in  this  re- 
gard, lost  all  confidence  in  both  parlies ;  and  that  they 'saw 
no  other  wTay  in  which  to  accomplish  their  object,  but  by 
forming  a  distinct  political  organization.  At  all  events,  the 
present  movement  on  the  part  of  the  Democracy  will  test 
their  sincerity.  Inasmuch  as  they  have  proposed  no  plan 
of  reform,  nor  agreed  upon  any  general  principles  that 
should  form  the  basis  of  a  new  system  of  municipal  gov- 
ernment, it  is  fair  to  conclude  that  they  will  yield  their  sup- 
port to,  and  co-operate  with,  that  party  which  recommends 
a  form  of  government  for  our  city,  that  has  already  been 
tested  and  approved  by  the  whole  American  people;  and 
which,  if  adopted,  cannot  fail — if  experience  proves  any- 


£1 


thing — to  correct,  the  evils  and  abuses  incident  to  the  ex- 
isting system.  Should  they  refuse  to  do  so,  the  conclusion 
would  be  irresistable.  that  their  movements  have  been  de- 
ceptive and  mischievous,  and  that  they  have  been  actuated 
by  unworthy  motives  and  illiberal  prejudices,  r;-.ther  than  by 
honest  and  patriotic  principles,    Let  them  look  to  it. 

It  does  not  require  the  gift  of  prophecy  to  tell  what  course 
the  honest  and  true-hearted  Democrats  belonging  to  the 
"Native  American"  party  will  take,  under  such  circum- 
stances Only  convince  them  that  you  are  sincere  in  your 
advocacy  of  reform,  and,  to  a  man,  they  will  rush  to  the 
Democratic  standard.  What,  in  that  event,  would  be  the 
position  of  the  Whigs,  who  left  their  own  party  fo;  the 
avowed  purpose  of  effecting  a  reformation  in  the  city  gov- 
ernment? Without  the  support  of  the  Democrats,  who,  at 
present,  act  with  them,  they  cannot,  for  a  moment,  dream  of 
success.  What,  then,  will  be  their  course?  Will  they  go 
back  to  the  Whig  party?  If  they  are,  or  have  been,  sin- 
cere in  their  professions  and  declarations,  they  cannot,  and 
will  not,  at  least  not  at  the  approaching  municipal  election, 
because  they  could  have  no  expectation  of  accomplishing 
their  object  by  such  a  move,  as  the  Whig  party,  as  a  party, 
do  not  even  profess  to  be  in  favor  of  reform.  They  will 
then  be  brought  to  this  alternative — either  to  acknowledge 
that  they  were  perfidious  in  their  professions,  or  join  the 
party  of  Democracy  and  Reform.  Again,  I  repeat,  let  them 
look  to  it. 

Once  more,  and  once  for  all,  I  say,  if  you  would  advance 
the  honor  and  welfare  of  your  city,  or  insure  the  success  of 
the  Democratic  party,  at  the  coming  election,  throw  out  the 
banner  of  reform,  in  good  faith,  and  be  sure  that  your  can- 
didates— one  and^ill — be  true  to  that  flag. 

As  Mr.  Moore  sat  down,  old  Tammany  rang  with  nine 
hearty  cheers. 

The  Committee  then  submitted  the  following  resolutions, 
which  were  adopted  with  acclamation  : 

Whereas,  the  present  system  of  government  of  the  city  of 
New  York  is^  defective  and  prejudicial  in  its  operation  in 
this,  that  it  is  unnecessarily  expensive  and  entirely  ineffi- 
cient in  protecting  property  and  persons,  and  in  preventing 
crime. 

And,  whereas,  the  great  mass  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
city  of  New  York,  are  desirous  of  an  alteration  of  the 
charter  of  the  city  of  New  York,  so  as  to  make  the  city 
government  perform  the  legitimate  duties  of  a  government, 
and  have  for  years  anxiously  looked  to  each  successive 


22 


Common  Council  to  originate  a  proper  system  of  govern- 
ment, and  to  apply  to  the  Legislature  for  such  enactments, 
as  should  be  necessary  properly  tore-organize  the  city  gov- 
ernment. 

And,  whereas,  every  such  Common  Council,  irrespective 
of  their  political  character,  have  neglected  to  consummate 
any  plan,  and  have  never  applied  to  the  Legislature  for  such 
laws. 

And  whereas,  the  present  session  of  the  legislature  is 
now  approaching  a  close,  and  unless  application  is  imme- 
diately made  to  the  legislature,  another  year  must  pass 
without  that  reform  in  the  city  government  so  much  re* 
quired,  and  so  sincerely  desired  by  the  inhabitants  of  the 
city. 

And  whereas,  also,  judging  of  the  future  by  the  past,  it  is 
the  opinion  of  this  meeting  that  a  city  reform  will  not 
be  obtained,  until  the  citizens  themselves  take  the  matter  in 
hand  and  make  a  direct  application  to  the  legislature,  for 
such  laws  as  the  exigency  of  the  occasion  requires. 

Therefore,  Resolved,  That  an  application  be  made  by 
the  people  to  the  legislature  of  the  State  for  the  passage  of 
a  law  correcting  "and  remedying  the  evils  of  the  present 
system  of  the  city  government. 

Resolved,  That  to  enable  the  honorable  the  legislature 
fully  to  appreciate  the  necessity  of  an  alteration  of  tke  City 
Charter,  this  meejing  presents  the  following  deficiencies  in 
the  City  Charter,  and  the  prejudicial  effects  of  the  present 
system  for  their  consideration,  viz: — 

The  city  government  is  central ;  every  duty  that  is  per- 
formed in  a  ward  except  that  of  assessor  and  constable,  is 
rendered  by  the  officials  of  the  central  power;  that  cen- 
tral power  determines  what  those  duties  are,  and  is  the 
sole  judge  of  their  performance.  The  people  of  the  respec- 
tive wards  who  are  most  interested  in  the  proper  govern- 
ment of  their  ward  have  literally  no  power  or  influence  in 
the  matter.  The  Alderman  and  Assistant  they  elect  are 
controlled  by  thirty-two  Aldermen  and  Assistants  elected 
by  the  other  wards  and  mtn  are  appointed  to  perform  impor- 
tant duties  within  the  ward,  who,  in  many  instances  are 
the  last  persons  who  would^have  been  selected  by  the  inha- 
bitants, for  whom  the  services  would  be  rendered,  and  whose 
money  pays  the  officers,  whether  the  services  are  performed 
or  not. 

The  power  being  central,  and  the  patronage  of  the  city 
being  so  great,  designing  men  throughout  the  different  wards 
of  the  city,  for  the  purpose  of  sharing  the  patronage  of  the 
city  government  among  them,  combine  and  cause  the  elec- 
tion of  members  from  different  wards  in  the  city  to  the  Com- 
mon Council  who  will  carry  out  their  designs.    Thus  the 


23 


Common  Council  distributes  the  public  treasure  among 
cliques,  for  pretended,  unnecessary,  and  half  performed  ser- 
vices, instead  of  guarding  with  vigilance  the  public  inter- 
ests. These  practices  have  obtained  for  many  years,  and 
have  been  followed  by  every  political  party. 

The  charter  of  the  city  provides  no  check  to  the  action 
of  the  Common  Council.  A  mere  majority  vote  of  the  Com- 
mon Council  destroys  any  objection  the  Mayor  may  return 
to  acts  or  resolutions  of  the  legislative  branch  of  the  city 
government.  Owing  to  this  defect  in  the  charter  of  the  city, 
the  Common  Council,  by  their  ordinances,  usurped  powers 
not  delegated  to  them,  and  by  their  committees  exercised 
not  only  all  the  executive  dnties,  which,  by  the  charter,  are 
expressly  forbidden  to  them,  and  are  conferred  upon  other 
officers  of  the  corporation,  but  have  assumed  jurisdiction  and 
exercised  power  only  belonging  to  the  supreme  legislative 
authority  of  the  State. 

The  Common  Council,  by  its  practice,  has  thus  become  a 
legislative  government,  exercising  every  executive  power. 
They  create  offices  at  wjfl,  determine  the  amount  of  compen- 
sation, appoint  the  officers,  who  are  thus  made  subject  only  to 
their  supervision  and  control,  and  at  any  time  they  increase 
the  officers  compensation,  such  increase  having  a  retrospec- 
tive operation.  They  determine  that  work  shall  be  done, 
contract  for  its  performance,  or  employ  persons  to  do  the 
work,  agreeing  upon  the  price,  and  direct  what,  amount 
shall  be  paid.  Members  of  the  Common  Council,  without 
previously  stipulating  for  the  price,  furnish  material  and  sup- 
plies for  the  city  government,  and  determine  the  amount  of 
their  own  and  each  others  compensation. 

The  natural  a«J  inevitable  consequence  of  this  disorder  is 
a  constant  increase  of  the  public  burthens,  until  at  length  ex- 
cessive taxation  is  driving  freeholders  to  sell  their  property 
and  remove  to  other  places  where  they  are  better  governed 
and  less  severely  taxed.  Thus  the  prosperity  of  our  city,  as 
well  as  considerations  of  a  higher  nature,  imperiously  demands 
a  reformation  t)f  these  crying  abuses. 

Resolved,  .That  in  the  opinion  of  this  meeting  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  is  the  most  perfect  of  all  known 
systems  of  government,  and  that  in  any  reform  to  be  under- 
taken by  the  Democratic  party  in  the  government  of  ihis 
city,  the  principels  of  the  Federal  Constitution  should  be  the 
guide. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Democratic  party,  if 
it  would  maintain  its  claim  to  bo  the  party  of  reform,  the 
true  movement  pexiy  of  the  age,  the  party  of  progress  in 
the  discovery  Mid  application  of  truth  in  the  science  of  gov 


24 


emment,  the  active  representative  of  the  great  principles  of 
^philanthropy  and  justice,  to  effect  such  a  reform  in  the  or- 
ganization of  our  city  government  asjthe  lights  of  experience 
seem  to  indicate,  as  best  calculated  to  secure  the  enjoyment 
of  our  many  valuable  corporate  rights  and  privileges,  so 
that  they  may  continue  to  be  a  blessing  instead  of  a  curse. 
That  the  Democratic  Republican  patty  will  do  this,  we 
have  the  utmost  confidence  ;  it  cannot  fail  but  by  a  falsifica- 
tion of  its  most  cherished  principles,  and  an  utter  disregard 
of  its  own  high  character,  suppositions  which  are  forbidden 
by  the  consistency  of  its  former  history. 

Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  five  be  appointed  to  draft 
a  law  to  present  to  the  Legislature,  embracing  the  views  of 
this  meeting  making-  the  government  of  the  city  as  closely 
resembling  that  of  the  government  of  the  United  States  as 
the  exigencies  of  the  community  will  permit. 

Resolved,  That  a  committee  consisting  of  one  from  each 
ward  be  appointed  to  obtain  signatures  to  a  petition  to  the 
Legislature,  asking  for  an  amendment  of  the  city  charter. 

Resolved,  That  such  committee  be  requested  as  soon  as 
they  shall  obtain  signatures  of  the  inhabitants  of  a  ward  lo 
send  the  same  to  the  President  of  this  meeting,  to  be  for- 
warded to  the  honorable  the  Legislature. 

The  Report  and  Resolutions  were  then  put  and  carried 
with  great  applause. 

It  was  then  proposed  that  a  Committee  of  Five  from  each 
ward  be  appointed  for  the  purpose  of  interrogating  the  seve- 
ral candidates  for  Mayor,  Alderman,  &c,  on  these  Questions 
of  city  reform.    Carried  amidst  loud  cheers. 

The  President  then  addressed  the  meeting  and  said  : 

Gentlemen — There  are  no  other  speakers  to  address  you 
to-night,  and,  honesUy,  I  am  glad  there  are  not  ;  for  I  should 
be  sorry  to  see  any  prudent  man  addressing  this  meeting 
after  the  truly  luminous  exposure  of  the  Hon.  Mr.  Moore. 
He  has  shown  us  that  he  has  fully  examined,  reflected  on, 
and  mastered  the  subject.  He  has  made  plain  the  advan- 
tages that  a  reform  of  our  city  government  will  bring  us, 
and  the  best  thing  we  can  do  is  to  go  away  and  reflect  on 
that  speech,  and  give  it  the  undivided  attention  which  it 
merits.    [Loud  and  prolonged  cheers.] 


# 


# 


